2701-1/1

La commercialisation des vins par les negociants en France a la fin du XIXe siecle; l’elargissement du marche des vins languedociens

YANAGI ATSUSHI

Cet article a pour objectif d’esquisser la commercialisation des vins en Languedoc, surtout celle des negociants regionaux et de preciser leur ro1e au tournant des XIXe et XXe siecles; un sujet qui n’a pas ete approfondi jusqu’a present.

Pendant la seconde moitie du XlXe siecle, le marche vinicole en France etait toujours en train de croissance grace a la construction du chemin de fer et a la perturbation du marcheprovoquee du phylloxera, D’apres nos documents, ces negociants languedociens ont ouvert le nouveau marche de trois manieres de l’acces aux clients.

1. l’installation des succursales dans la zone consommatriCe autour de Paris.

2. le voyage en gros et la vente a temperament.

3. la mise en place de reseaux de representants.

Cultivant ainsi les liaisons commerciales avec les negociants-distributeurs sur les marches urbains et avec les consommateurs ruraux du fait du manque de reseaux commerciaux, les negociants du Languedoc reussissait de s’implanter.

Au debut du XXe siecle, la prosperite des negociants est parvenue a son apogee, c’est a dire a lentree de leur declin. En l’occurence, nous trouvons les trois raisons qui suscitent ce declin.

1. le transport en masse par l’introduction des wagons-foudres, qui elimine les petits negociants (les barricailleurs).

2. la centralisation a Paris des reseaux commerciaux du fait du tarif privilege du chemin de fer.

3. comme resultat des deux derniers, la penetration des negociants-distributeurs dans la region; l’achat direct aux producteurs.

Ainsi, les negociants regionaux ont bien reussi la mis en place de distribution des vins languedociens sur le marche interieur de la France et, en outre, procure aux producteurs une demande plus ou moins assurge. Cepandent, c’est la raison pour laquelle ils ont perdu, plus en plus, leur ro1e dans le commerce des vins regionaux face a l’offensive des negociants-distributeurs. Prives de l’initiative au commerce, la viticulture et le commerce vinicole de la region restent soumis au marche et a ses aleas.

2702-1/2

THE ROLE OF MANCHURIAN MARKET FOR THE JAPANESE AUTOMOBILE INDUSTRY IN PRE-WAR

Masachika Shinomiya

Takachiho College of Commerce

The Japanese automobile market in pre-war had been dominated by Japan Ford and Japan GM. So, the aim of automobile industrial policy was to protect the market against foreign companies, to foster domestic manufacturers and finally to control the industry. Specially the army had intended to eliminate the foreign companies after the 1931 Manchurian incident.

After the army occupied Manchuria in 1931, heavy-industrialization policy had been executed by Japan there. Aircraft and automobile industries as the war industries had been thought important. Army had intended to protect the automobile market and to foster the automobile industry in Manchuria.

The goal of the 1936 Automobile Manufacturing Business Law was to permit the automobile manufacturing business and to eliminate the foreign companies. Furthermore, the law was to protect the automobile market against foreign companies in Manchuria. Substantially it had been prohibited for foreign companies to make inroads into Manchurian market.

In fostering the automobile industry in Japan and Manchuria, Manchurian market was very important in these two points:

1. As the market of Japanese automobiles.

2. In fostering the auto business in Manchuria.

Therefore in order to foster the automobile industry, the operation of foreign companies in Manchuria had never been permitted.

2702-2/2

THE INITIATION OF MASS PRODUCTION TECHNOLOGY: A STUDY ON MACHINE TOOL INDUSTRY IN GERMANY

Ryoichi Koda

Saga University

This study intends to analyze the initiation of mass production technology and its influence on the machine tool industry in Germany at the end of the 19th century.

It is still believed, that at the end of the 19th century, mechanical engineering industry in Germany was technologically far behind as compared with the standard of the USA. The “American system of manufacturing” was often used to emphasize the above notion to prejudge the German machine tool industry. However, it is a question to assess whether the development of the German machine tool industry was far behind than that of America.

Even in the USA, the sewing machine, one of the typical products of the “American system,” was made as a hand-made one at the beginning. Sewing machine builders in the USA introduced its mass production upon interchangeable parts in 1870s, after few years of this change, German also began to introduce this system. This pattern was also true for industries like bicycle, firearm and typewriter.

In order to make parts for the above machines, it was inevitable to use new kind of machine tools like milling machine or turret lathe. Although these machines were developed by American engineers in the middle of the 19th century, their commercial production commenced even in the USA in the middle of 1860s. After few years later German machine tool builders also started to copy and improve them.

In the stage of developing process of the mass production, the machine tool industry played a “convergent” roll not only in the USA but also in Germany. At the beginning of the 20th century, the German machine tool technologies had been developed significantly in order to compete with the American builders in the world market.

2703-1/1

AN ESSAY ON LABOR RELATIONS OF COLLIERY

COMPANIES IN JAPAN AT THE POSTWAR-PERIOD

--A case of MITSUI SUNAGAWA TANKO and HOKUTAN--

Hiroshi Ichihara

Hokkaigakuen University

During the Second World War, the number of workers who were employed by colliery companies had increased. They worked under the super-vision of skilled workers who had served for long term and had come to hold the positions of the superintendent.

After the defeat of W.W.II, the workplaces of colliery companies were out of order. Labor unions which had been organized rapidly beared the responsibility to maintain the order of workplaces and to control the workers.  As a result, they were permitted to participate in management. Since 1949 when controls over coal-mining industry was removed, colliery companies attempted to cut down expenses and to raise efficiency. For they tried to deprive of vested rights of labor unions, many labor-management disputes took place. Red purge that was carried out at 1950 gave a blow to unions.  However, managements could not succeeded in their attempts, and labor unions kept their powerful positions to determine the labor conditions and the treatment of individual worker.

In 1950’s, coal mine workers improved their stability remarkably. They and their families came to live inside each coal mine in which they were employed. As a result, a feeling of identification with local community was held in common by them.

2704-1/2

WHITE-COLLAR WORKERS IN THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION: AN ANALYSIS OF THE CAREERS OF WHITE-COLLAR EMPLOYEES AT YAWATA STEEL

Shinji Sugayama

Tohokugakuin University

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the careers of 158 white-collar workers employed by Yawata Steel in 1900, and to shed light on some aspects of the making of business white-collar employees particular to Japanese industrialization.

As far as the white-collar employees studied here are concerned, one can hardly find any who had worked their way up’ from the ranks of artisans or skilled workers, or who had previously been employed in the traditional sector of commerce. For the most part, the careers of these personnel were limited to white-collar jobs in a broad sense, including various occupations such as business staff employees, government officials, teachers, policemen, and soldiers. A most striking fact is that a significant number of these people had experience in several different kinds of white-collar employment.  This indicates that the demarcations between categories of white-collar employment were vague in early stages of Japanese industrialization. In other word, business staff personnel did not yet exist as an independent occupational group but rather fell within the broadly-defined category of white-collar workers.

Based on the statistics regarding birth date and social status, it appears that white-collar jobs were held almost exclusively by persons of samurai heritage at the beginning of the Meiji era, but that such post were becoming increasingly open to Persons from all social backgrounds by 1880’s. What made these changes in the make-up of white-collar workers possible was the spread of a wide variety of educational opportunities except for regular secondary and higher schools open to persons regardless of social status. These ranged from unsystematic education such as individual tutoring, hijack, short training courses and correspondence schools, to the “irregular” miscellaneous schools called kakushu-gakko, and appears to have played a critical role in satisfying a considerable demand for white-collar workers, especially in middle and lower levels that did arise in the course of Japanese industrialization.

2704-2/2

THE KAO CORPORATION: A CASE STUDY OF CHANGES IN JAPAN’S    DISTRIBUTION CHANNEL STRUCTURE DURING THE HIGH GROWTH PERIOD

Son Il Sun

The objective of this paper is to examine changes in the vertical integration of distribution with regard to marketing policy during Japan’s High Growth Period (1955-1973). Specifically, I deal with the senmon-hanbaigaishya (calling hansha) a system of selling companies created by the Kao Corporation, a major manufacturer, by the forward integration of wholesale distribution.

With the shift in market demand during the High Growth Period from soaps to detergents, two characteristics of the traditional wholesalers became apparent: 1) inefficiency due to excessive fragmentation, and 2) a large discrepancy in size between the various wholesalers. On the other hand, a new force in distribution appeared with the advent in retail business of supermarkets, which used brand-name toiletry products in loss leader selling.

In October 1964, Kao responded to these developments by instituting a program of Resale Price Maintenance (R.P.M.) which reformed trade practices in an attempt to stabilize prices. However, it proved ineffective due to the shortcoming that it continued to use general wholesalers who also dealt with other toiletry products from competing manufacturers.

This prompted Kao to take a further step of establishing a network of selling companies, the hansha, that handled only Kao products. Kao’s hansha was a vertical integration of existing wholesalers undertaken in response to the fierce competition between toiletry manufacturers following the development of new detergent products as well as an out growth of the R. P.M. strategies that were implemented due to the appearance of supermarket retailers.

The hansha network of manufacturer’s selling companies was established in three steps: initial selling companies, national selling companies, and broad-region selling companies. The initial selling companies were set up from specific wholesalers from specific areas.

Due to new trading practices implemented by Kao in 1968, national selling companies came into being when all primary and secondary wholesalers participated financially in the manufacturer’s selling companies. After the hansha became a nationwide network, a series of mergers by selling companies brought about the broad-region selling companies.

The implementation of Kao’s hansha system had a wide impact on the entire toiletry industry. For example, it prompted co-operation between small wholesalers as can be seen in the establishment of several joint-purchase institutions. It also caused the creation of broad-region selling companies from the merger of smaller selling companies, prompted one of Kao’s competitors to adopt a multi-divisional structure of management, and brought about the establishment of a joint-purchase institution. With this modern system for managing the flow of both goods and information, Kao has been able to defend its Position as top toiletry manufacturer in Japan since the oil embargo of 1973.